Monday, March 23, 2015

Underground Economies: Theoretical and Empirical



In analyzing the productivity of nations worldwide the difficulties countries face in growing economically derive from a sector that is unmeasured and unknown, the underground economy. This informal sector has tangible and noticeable effects on the actual economy of a nation. The challenge to economists today is figuring out how to measure the effects of an entity that is inherently overlooked and disregarded. In “Does the Informal Sector Thrive under Democracy or Autocracy? The Case of Nepal” there is a focus on how politics affect the growth in the informal sector. In this text, the authors, Solomon and Shrestha, make the implication that the more political freedom there is in a state the smaller the informal sector becomes. Invisible, Outlawed, and Untaxed by Harry I. Greenfield emphasizes the different components that allows us to identify and quantify the underground economy more so than examining the effects of other entities on the underground economy. Moreover, in the VICE article “Slangin’ Dope at Art Basel” one receives an informal first-hand account of the underground economy by someone who is a part of its productivity. In the assessment of all three texts we find that both scholarly texts share a level of formality and complexity that is not present in the VICE article. However, the two scholarly pieces differ in that Solomon and Shrestha’s work relies more on the use of inductive reasoning while Greenfield uses deductive reasoning to grow his logic. An indicator of how Greenfield’s work takes a conceptual approach to the topic of underground economics, while Solomon and Shrestha take a more empirical one.  

Examining the diction and word choices in both of the scholarly pieces, Invisible, Outlawed, and Untaxed and “Does the Informal Sector Thrive under Democracy or Autocracy? The Case of Nepal”, we find evident similarities between these two scholarly texts. The tone of these two works is sophisticated and academic via the presence of conventions as complex vocabulary and well-developed syntax. For example, take this passage, “There can be no quarrel with those who take that point of view as long as what is included in the scope of underground activities is made explicit” (Greenfield 5). Words like “explicit”, “quarrel”, and “scope” are all words that can be replaced with simpler versions that retain the same meaning, but are purposely included to add an intellectual tone to the piece. This purposeful inclusion of academic diction is also noticeable in the work of Solomon and Shrestha where they us words and terms such as “irregularities”, “null hypothesis”, and “calibration” (Solomon and Shrestha 246). This style of diction, evident in both pieces, points towards the target audience and context of the works. In that these pieces are situated in the context of academic writing meaning an audience that is well educated enough to understand and appreciate the level of complexity shown in the texts holds them to certain expectation of writing.
Furthermore, the texts’ use of economic terms also contributes to the assessment of their target audiences. In reading the pieces there are words and terms that tug at a well-rounded understanding of economics. To exemplify take the following passage, “The size of the informal sector is estimated using the Multiple Indicator Multiple Cause (MIMIC) model . . . the MIMIC’s model estimates of the informal sector in Nepal as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP)” (Solomon and Shrestha 247). Terms like “GDP”, “MIMIC”, and “informal sector” make the text harder to understand and assure that an understanding of economics is needed to grasp fully the concepts expressed in the article. The use of economic terms hints at scholars that specify within the field of economics that fully understand the terminology in the text.  

In contrast to these two text is an article from the magazine VICE entitled “Slangin’ Dope at Art Basel”. This text is neither academic nor scholarly and is instead informal and casual. In analyzing the writing conventions in this text the diction is noticeably nonchalant. The title contains words like “slangin” and “dope” these words are informal in that terms like these are usually used in casual settings such as a conversation with friends. “Once a year, thousands of rich assholes flock to South Beach to buy artistic shit like papier-mâché balls at Art Basel… After rich people finish buying garbage, they like to let their hair down and party with copious amounts of cocaine, as white people are wont to do” (Im). The informality of these words gives the article a cool and trendy tone that suggests an audience of young adults who can relate the most with this type of language.
Furthermore, there is also a distinct difference on the treatment of sources between the VICE article and two academic texts. In Im’s article, his only source is an interview with an active participant of the underground economy, a drug dealer. He presents this interview, in his piece, untouched and without any sort of analysis. This is contrary to the two academic pieces in which sources are thoroughly evaluated and used to construct ideas regarding economics. The purpose of the article, however, is not to provide analysis on the economic implications of the source, but to just report it and provide sensationalism.

While the audience, purpose, and context for the scholarly texts share striking similarities, the approach they use to engage with the subject matter differs. Invisible, Outlawed, and Untaxed handles the topic of underground economies in a theoretical manner and one can get a sense of this approach through its use of sources. The text uses sources that are for the most part conceptual in nature and serve as reference points that bring a sense of legitimacy to its own arguments, “In the rise of currency J.R.S. Revell of the OECD stated that . . . in view of all these reasons for not holding cash, as well as some others to be discussed shortly, why then do we find the persistent and seemingly perverse growth in currency held by the public” (Greenfield 20).  Greenfield uses his sources to catalyze further lines of logic that can be supported and expanded by more sources. Deductive reasoning is apparent in his work and in his use of sources in which he places the quote or idea of a supporting scholar before he begins his own reasoning. Furthermore, he uses sources to move his discussion along and expand his reasoning. This use of sources as supportive tools for further analysis gives the text a sense of intellectual exploration.

“Does the Informal Sector Thrive under Democracy or Autocracy? The Case of Nepal” approaches the topic of underground economies in a style that resembles scientific papers and uses more inductive reasoning than the previous work. Throughout the work, we see an analysis resembling inductive reasoning in which concepts are drawn from data pertaining to specific circumstances, “Table 1 shows that between 2006 and 2010, Nepal experienced an improvement in the level of democracy but no further improvement since 2010. The reason for this stagnation may be linked to the fact that people in Nepal have yet to experience the sense of empowerment, ownership and responsibility that comes with democracy” (Solomon and Shrestha 246). Furthermore, the work includes an abstract that directly states the aims and objectives of the paper. The works states, “Our paper investigates the size and development of the informal sector in Nepal using aggregate data over the period 1991 to 2009” (Solomon and Shrestha 245). This simple statement describes the purpose for this article to be more empirical than conceptual.

Taking a close look at the sources in both texts, and how they are used, supports the notion that the texts employ a practical and theoretical approach. For example, most of the evidence used in Solomon and Shrestha’s piece comes from experiments done by credited economists like Fredrick Schneider and data centers like the Democracy Index and STATA. While Greenfield uses conceptual works from scholars like Thieβen who also approach economics theoretically. Solomon and Shrestha’s sources provide mostly statistical and raw data that they than evaluate and interpret for the reader. They procedurally take data, analyze it, and, via inductive reasoning, generate concepts that are relevant to the subject of underground economies. This is different from the theoretical and deductive approach we saw in Greenfield’s work where his sources provide concepts that he then uses to support and develop his own ideas. This serves to show that the field of economics is not purely a theoretical one or empirical one. That in economics there is a blend between conceptual and empirical analysis, and a combination of deductive and inductive reasoning. In which concepts are generated through a practical analysis of data and then developed via a philosophical process.  
Solomon and Shrestha’s work empirical approach to the subject of underground economies adds a level of statistical analysis to the text that may dismay beginners in the subject. The reading can be cumbersome at points due to the constant insertion of charts, graphs, and tables that split the text a part. Furthermore, the inclusion of abstract data and mathematical equations increases the level of complexity in the text that requires a slightly greater knowledge of economics to grasp. Greenfield’s piece appeals more to disciplinary novice due to its theoretical approach to the discipline. The flow of the text is one that encourages understanding and learning because each new concept adds on or connects to the previous one making the work easier to follow. One can see college level students reading this to get a good basis on underground economies because while it is complex it still can be dissected and appreciated with time.    

These three works give a broad sense of the variety of pieces that can be written on the topic of underground economies. While there are intellectual and academic tones in the two academic pieces, a more relax and casual style presides in VICE article. Further analysis reveals that Solomon and Shrestha’s work has an empirical tone that focuses more on inductive reasoning to form new concepts from raw data. While Greenfield has a different approach, in which he uses deductive reasoning to build upon the concepts and ideas of other scholars to arrive at his own theoretical conclusions.

Sunday, March 22, 2015

IB Historiography: To What Extent does Fidel Castro’s Cuba Coincide with Marx’s Theory of Dialectical Materialism?



Part A

Fidel Castro, perhaps one of the most controversial figures of the twentieth century. In 1959, he stablished the first communistic movement in the western hemisphere. As Castro's Revolution celebrates its 61st anniversary, it stands as a monument to successful communism in Latin America. However, following the failure of Leninism/Stalinism, one must question, to what extent does Fidel Castro's Cuba coincide with the idea of dialectical materialism presented by Karl Marx? During the scope of this investigation will investigate these two political philosophies. In order to accomplish this I will first investigate their methods of implementations and finally evaluate their relative successes.

I will reference the books: Laughing Under Castro by Modesto Arocha, The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. I will also look at several interview of the great Cuban president as well as other primary sources, secondary sources and internet media.


 


 

PART B

"Not only did we destroy a tyrannical system. We also destroyed the imperialistic bourgeois state apparatus, the bureaucracy, the police, and a mercenary army. We abolished privileges, annihilated the great landowners, threw out foreign monopolies for good, nationalized almost every industry, and collectivized the land. We are fighting now to liquidate once and for all the exploitation of man over man, and to build a completely new society, with a new class contents."

Philosophy of Dialectical Materialism

  • Dialectical Materialism – the science of the general laws of motion and development of nature, human society and thought –a revolutionary philosophy, challenging capitalism in every sphere and substituting science, for dreams and prejudice.

Dialectical Materialism method of Implementation

  • Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
  • .A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
  • Abolition of all rights of inheritance
  • Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
  • Centralization of credit in the hands of the state, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
  • Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
  • Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
  • Equal liability of all to work. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.

    Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of all the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution of the populace over the country.

  • Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production.
  • The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible.


 

Implementation of Dialectal Materialism

  • "At least in the case of our county, we have no other path. And in our opinion like in a huge majority of Latin American countries, there was no other path than through armed struggle."
  • The Castro government is still supported by the majority of the Cuban people today
  • In the first two years of her agrarian revolution she already has confiscated all the big estates and haciendas and nationalized the land.
  • Of the total of more than 700,000 caballarias of cultivated land in Cuba, 290,000 caballarias are now cultivated as state farms and cooperatives, 270,000 caballarias by peasants owning less than 5 caballarias each and united in the National Association of Small Producers (ANAP), while 140,000 caballarias are operated by proprietors of farms ranging from over 5 to 30 caballarias each. (A caballaria is about 33 acres).
  • The large rice plantations, as well as the cattle ranches, have been turned into state farms; the sugar plantations into cooperatives run by agricultural workers formerly employed by the sugar firms.
  • About 115,000 working people immediately joined the cooperatives. Large numbers of landless workers and share-croppers have been given the smaller parcels of land enumerated above.
  • Cuba has an extensive public healthcare system, to which all citizens enjoy equal access.
  • Youth literacy rate (15-24years) 100 percent.
  • During a speech, Castro asks: "Is there one, only one among you, who is hungry?" A poor hapless man raises his hands. He is immediately seized by the police and forced to drink a glass of water, then another, and yet another, until he has drunk ten altogether
  • What is so shocking about Cuba is this: that a revolutionary movement stemming from the urban middle classes and winning the support of the peasantry, which gained power when the U.S. finally decided to dump its former puppet, Batista, proceeded once in power to follow an authentically revolutionary course. It broke up the old army and police forces and armed the workers and poor peasants, expropriated the major economic holdings of U.S. capital, broke with the representative political leaders of the Cuban liberal bourgeoisie. And all this without the existence (Not to speak of the intervention) of a revolutionary socialist party and without any autonomous action on the part of the working class!


     

    The inconsistency of all this with certain of our expectations deriving from the Theory of Permanent Revolution is only too obvious. If we rightly believe that every revolution in our time must go beyond "bourgeois-democratic" bounds in order to achieve real success, and can find full vindication for this aspect of the theory in the Cuban Revolution, we also have believed that this process can take place only under the leadership of the working class and with the guidance of a Marxist party!

Ideology

  • When we left the University, especially in my own particular case, I had already been greatly influenced — I wouldn't say that I was a Marxist-Leninist, far from it. It is possible that I had two million petit bourgeois prejudices and a string of ideas that I'm glad not to have anymore, but fundamentally — if I did not have all those prejudices, I would not have been in the position to make a contribution to the Revolution, as I did.


     

Part C

On the 17th of August,1960, Shane Mage, Tim Wolfforth and James Robertson submitted The Cuban Revolution and Marxist Theory to the January 1961 Plenum of the Socialist Workers Party, for the purpose of evaluating the Cuban revolution to the Soviet Revolution standards. This source was valuable to my investigation because not only does this presented a more accurate depiction of Fidel Castro's Cuba, but it assessed to what extent Cuba was Marxist. This is extremely important because during the time this document was created, Cuba claimed to be socialist. It also reveals that Fidel Castro is genuinely loved and cherished throughout the country. However, the source is limited to interpretation to Marxism by individuals raised by communist regime.

However, in 1961, Arminio Savioli interviewed Cuba's great leader, Fidel Castro for the Italian newspaper, L'Unita, Rome, No. 32 on 1 February 1961. This was for the purpose of informing the communist Italians back home of the victory and state of the communist country that took forth in America's back yard. This source is valuable because it introduces us to Castro's original thoughts on communism and he gives his take on the triumphs of his revolution. He even sheds light on the Russia's original distrust for Cuba. However, this source is limited to Fidel Castro's self-censoring, as he promotes his country and thus we did not receive any objective information on the state of Cuba.


 


 

Part D

In 1961, Fidel Castro announced to the world, that Cuba had, "destroyed the imperialistic bourgeois state apparatus..." He boasted that Cuba had once and for all "abolished privileges, annihilated the great landowners, threw out foreign monopolies for good, nationalized almost every industry, and collectivized the land."

However, one could argue that Fidel Castro's Cuba became the exact "tyrannical system" he had sought out to destroy. We could argue that it is through interviews like the one given by A. Savioli for L'Unita , that one party state propaganda is created, presenting the rest of the world with a false representation of Cuba. That Fidel Castro merely replaced the old "imperialistic bourgeois state apparatus, the bureaucracy, the police, and a mercenary army" with his own in the name of the "State"; of the people, as seen in the incident and long running joke in Modesto Aracha's book, Laughing Under Castro, where a man had been forced to drink water until he was full by police as punishment for telling Castro he was hungry. Or as seen in the lines for rations experienced by the people of Cuba.

    Yet, when it comes to fulfilling the list of principles presented by Marx and Engels, Fidel Castro has not missed a beat. Fidel Castro insured the confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. the centralization of credit in the hands of the state, centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State, and not to mention all factories and instruments of production were also owned by the State. In fact, as stated in part B, in the first two years of revolution all the big estates and haciendas had become nationalized by the State. Fidel Castro had even committed to provide "free education for all children in public schools." As of today the people of Cuba have a literacy rate of 99.99% according to the UNICEF organization.

The only thing one could argue is that Fidel Castro's Cuba failed to complete the notion that this "revolution" would be carried out by the proletariats as they seized control of the means of production, and thus crippling the bourgeoisie. There was in fact no natural cycle as presented in Engel's law of transformation. Since, as he stated himself in the documentary, Fidel Castro, "At least in the case of our county, we have no other path. And in our opinion like in a huge majority of Latin American countries, there was no other path than through armed struggle."

Part E

To what extent did Fidel Castro's Cuba coincide with the principals of Dialectical materialism? While it did accomplish most of the outlines goals for a "workers' paradise" , to simply state that Fidel Castro's Cuba coincided with Marx and Engels' dialectical materialism, would be an understatement. For what Cuba was and what the dialectical materialism suggest are two completely different things .As stated in part B," he was greatly influenced, but would not say that he was a Marxist". And yet he was the leader "a revolutionary movement stemming from the urban middle classes and winning the support of the peasantry, broke up the old army and police forces and armed the workers and poor peasants, expropriated the major economic holdings of U.S. capital, without the existence (Not to speak of the intervention) of a revolutionary socialist party and without any autonomous action on the part of the working class!"


 


 

Part F

Works Cited

Arocha, M., 2003. Laughing Under Castro. 3rd ed. s.l.:Alexandria Library.

Castro, F., 1961. L'Unita Interview with Fidel Castro: The Nature of Cuban Socialism [Interview] (3 January 1961).

Clapp, R., N.D. An Introduction to Dialectical Materialism[Pamphlet]. s.l.:n.p.

Fidel Castro. 1967. [Film] s.l.: s.n.

Mage, W. a. R., 1960. The Cuban Revolution and Marxist Theory, New y: s.n.

Marx, K. E. M. D., 1992. The Communist Manifesto. s.l.:Oxford Universtiy Press.

Roda, A., 2012. FIdel Castro: A Last Minute Marxist, s.l.: s.n.

Taafe, P., 2005. Cuba Revisted. Socialism Today, February.

UNICEF, 2013. Cuba Statistics. [Online]
Available at: http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/cuba_statistics.html

Weisbord, A., 1962. Perspectives of the Cuban Revolution. La Parola del Popolo.

Weston, T., 2012. Basic Concepts of Dialectics. [Online]
Available at: http://marxistphilosophy.org


 

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